By Liliana Chiernajowsky, Page, on 13/11/2010
One effect of the death of Nestor Kirchner was the proliferation of political analysis that seek to explain the massive popular support who until a few days had been demonized by the media and political opposition. power "K", it must be said, would be Nazi-fascist, spurious power-hungry, corrupt, located to the right of the Menem administration, authoritarian and manipulative of all groups associated therewith, are DD.HH. agencies, social activists , intellectuals, artists, popular or (especially) poor choripán and dragged by a Work Plan . (...)
For some intellectuals critical of the government, Kirchner did not even merit being populist leader as understood by Ernesto Laclau (beyond of the familiar criticisms of Laclau) as could not express a genuine articulation of demands. His political genius would only account for an extraordinary accumulation of power. Post mortem, many of these tests are referred to the charism, its transferable nature and the possible configuration of a myth.
Some do not know if the embattled former president was a charismatic leader, let alone whether he will become myth. But the danger can be seen that these categories seek to liquefy the contents and meanings of political action. The myth, in this case, may explain various disciplines. Now, no doubt, what interested in politics. charisma, it is true, is not inherited but it is possible to follow a proposal, part of its construction and support of government action for three years is driven by the current President. Nestor Kirchner was first and foremost, a comprehensive political, appearing on the national scene after the 2001 crisis, was able to interpret its deeper meanings and standing at 22 percent of the vote, outlined in thick lines but critical model (We can say without pruritus) who collected part of the historical memory of ancient traditions and popular libertarian, and able to respond to new challenges in a country that had lost self-esteem, expectations and potential policy processing.
The Baldwin established, above all, a great cultural and political debate, words that seemed dead recovered, reinstated long speech concepts that only the end of the century and we definitely had imposed as outmoded. Old rights were recovered and appeared overwhelmed and recognized new. (...)
But we recognize and retrieve a set of political ideas from which to speak and think of solutions. At that settled, hegemonic, until the arrival of Kirchner, are known in terms of performance.
Resistance and integration in (1990) Daniel James English asks sharply for the reasons that made Argentina the working class to establish a decisive and permanent relationship with the Peronist experience different from other Latin American populist. (...)
claims that with its emphasis on the social dimension of citizenship, Perón challenged the validity of a concept of democracy that limited the enjoyment of political rights. And his insistence on an idea of \u200b\u200bdemocracy which inevitably had to include rights and social reform was fully understood by the popular sectors. In contrast, these same sectors received with skepticism speeches and formal symbols of liberalism vernacular. The Infamous Decade, with consequences for individual and collective frustrations was the reference point on which set the Peronist culture whose meanings less tangible were the pride, self respect and dignity previously won by majorities humiliated. Heretical social power embodied Peronism was also expressed in the use of language. Saving
notable differences, these observations may intermarry James with some features of the governments of Nestor and Cristina Kirchner. First, President Kirchner realized that the great crisis that began in 2001 was our contemporary infamous decade. The contrast and counter-model taken as the actual lifting. Sought to reach all those who live in the collective and personal bankruptcy and restore confidence in a change. Not surprisingly, they were very young then gestures such as lumber experienced amid the wreckage. The Baldwin is also the closest to the version of Peronism that was established in the origins of that movement. The comparison with the 70 no handle on basic elements: the context of armed violence, the role of Peron helpless, weak government action enough to understand. The development of these relations is beyond the scope of this note, that just want to emphasize that the kirchnerismo rhetoric built from many powerful heretical movements, all these days remembered. Maybe that
saga began with the removal of the Court addict, a decision that, as a legacy of radical republicanism, paradoxically did not stop itching procedural identified at that time. That every Thursday we participated in demonstrations outside the courts claiming that extent we never imagined the impression that the novel president will print to that change. Our minds are still colonized by possibilism heresy had considered the appointment of some Current members of the Supreme Court, or the back of Mercedes Marco de Pont at the head of Central Bank. Nestor Kirchner, who was not a brilliant orator, he gave brightness to their works, and his bold and uninhibited gestures reached enormous symbolic value. That speech in action recovered the state's role and the centrality of politics , which returned the effective management of economic direction, the power of standing up to powerful partners and seeking social justice can not be waived in action government. Postulates that seem obvious, but are not. Will, however, a matter of struggle for meaning within the Peronist.
It should not surprise the sudden visibility of supporters of such measures despite the relentless media bombardment-political. Are more or less the same that had emerged in the Bicentennial holidays. They might feel something more than a sudden national pride or the desire to enjoy an art show. Not come out in force to a call that can feel alien or contrary to the interests. We shared a collective mood, an interpretation of our history and recent bicentennial, a Latin Americanist vocation. This call was open, plural, not factions, and it was also the accession without closure, without explicitness of belongings only pleasantly accompany a course of public affairs, political action.
All the highlights and cuts are mine. Full story, here
0 comments:
Post a Comment